그린백 파티

그린백 파티


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전후 시기의 주요 공개 문제 중 하나는 국가의 통화와 관련이 있었습니다. 논쟁의 핵심은 남북 전쟁에서 연합의 노력에 자금을 지원하기 위해 정부가 취한 조치에 집중되었습니다. 1862년과 1865년 사이에 정부 인쇄기는 4억 5천만 달러의 지폐를 발행했습니다.간단히 말해서, 농민과 채무자의 이해관계는 미화폐가 유통되는 것을 원했고 더 많이 인쇄하도록 촉구했습니다. 정치적인 측면에서 볼 때, 이 관점은 전쟁 채권을 달러로 상환하는 계획을 세운 많은 민주당원에 의해 채택되었습니다. 공화당원은 부유한 채권자 이익의 대표자로서 달러를 유통에서 제거하고 금화로의 반환을 원했습니다. 지원 통화. 이렇게 하면 인플레이션이 멈추고 현금으로 갚을 것을 확신할 수 있습니다. 1873년의 공황에 뒤이은 대공황 동안 긴장이 고조되었습니다. National Greenback Party는 미국 달러 후렴을 채택하고 다음과 같이 종재개법(1875)에 맞서 싸울 것을 약속했습니다. 잘. Peter Cooper는 그룹의 대통령 후보로 지명되었지만 약 80,000표에 불과했습니다. 의회 선거가 있었던 1878년에 조직은 이름을 Greenback-Labor Party로 변경하고 노동자를 영입하여 당원을 보충했습니다. 그들은 전국적으로 100만 표 이상의 표를 얻었고 14명의 당원을 의회에 선출했습니다. 1880년 선거에서 Greenback-Labor Party는 James B 장군을 지명했습니다. 여성의 참정권, 주간 상업에 대한 연방 규정 및 누진 소득세와 같은 문제가 포함되었습니다. . 시대가 바뀌었다. 재개는 성공적이었고 불황은 종식되었고 블랜드-앨리슨법은 은화라는 새로운 이슈에 관심을 집중시켰다. 성공의 부족에도 불구하고 당은 대통령직을 마지막으로 찔렀다. 1884년 선거에서 Benjamin F. Butler를 지명했습니다. 당원은 노동당과 포퓰리스트당으로 표류했습니다. 그린백당은 통화 정책이 국가 토론의 ​​일부가 될 수 있고 또 그래야 한다는 것을 보여줌으로써 미국 정치에 중요한 기여를 했습니다.


그린백은 미국 남북 전쟁(1861 – 65) 중 미국 정부가 인쇄하고 발행한 지폐입니다. 전쟁의 재정적 요구로 인해 국가의 종(금 및 은) 공급이 빠르게 고갈되었습니다. 이에 대한 대응으로 정부는 1862년의 법적 입찰법을 통과시켰는데, 이 법은 종지불을 중단하고 지폐 발행을 규정했습니다. 약 4억3000만 달러의 지폐가 발행됐다. 그 지폐는 빚을 갚기 위해 받아들여야 하는 법정 화폐였습니다. 지폐는 정부의 지급 약속으로만 뒷받침되기 때문에 한쪽 면에 인쇄된 녹색 잉크로만 지폐를 뒷받침하는 모습이 다소 비웃었습니다. (따라서 그린백이라는 이름이 붙었습니다.) 지폐의 가치는 미국 정부에 대한 사람들의 신뢰와 통화를 동전으로 변환할 수 있는 미래의 능력에 달려 있습니다. 연방과 남부 연합 간의 싸움이 격화되면서 정부에 대한 신뢰가 흔들렸습니다. 연방이 패배했을 때 미국 달러의 가치는 한때 달러당 35센트까지 떨어졌습니다.

전쟁이 끝난 후에도 여전히 유통되고 있던 그린백은 1878년 마침내 완전한 가치를 되찾았습니다. 1873년 금융 위기 이후 많은 사람들, 특히 서구 농부들은 정부가 더 많이 발행할 것을 요구했습니다. 통화 시스템의 옹호자들은 1876년과 1884년 사이에 미국 정치에서 활발히 활동한 그린백당을 결성했습니다. 당은 더 많은 그린백을 유통시키면 미국 정부가 부채 상환을 더 쉽게 하고 물가가 상승할 것이라고 믿었습니다. #x2014 번영을 가져옵니다. 20세기 말에는 남북전쟁으로 인해 필요하게 된 정부의 지폐(그린백) 발행을 기반으로 하는 지폐 제도가 남아 있었습니다.

또한보십시오: 연방 달러, 무료 은화, 금 본위제, 그린백 파티

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그레인저 무브먼트

저희 편집자는 귀하가 제출한 내용을 검토하고 기사 수정 여부를 결정할 것입니다.

그레인저 무브먼트, 미국 남북 전쟁 이후 10년 동안 독점 곡물 운송 관행에 맞서 싸운 미국 농민 연합, 특히 중서부 지역.

Granger 운동은 Oliver Hudson Kelley라는 한 개인과 함께 시작되었습니다. Kelley는 1866년 농무부의 직원이 되어 남부를 여행했습니다. 건전한 농업 관행에 대한 무지에 충격을 받은 Kelley는 1867년에 Patrons of Husbandry라는 조직을 시작했습니다. 그는 교육 토론과 사회적 목적을 위해 농부들을 한데 모으기를 희망했습니다.

조직은 비밀 의식을 수반했으며 "그랜지"라는 지역 단위로 나뉩니다. 처음에는 Kelley의 고향인 미네소타 주만이 Granger 운동에 반응하는 것처럼 보였지만 1870년까지 9개 주에 Granges가 있었습니다. 1870년대 중반까지 거의 모든 주에 최소한 하나의 Grange가 있었고 전국 회원 수는 거의 800,000명에 이르렀습니다. 대부분의 농부들을 Granger 운동에 끌어들인 것은 농부의 농작물 및 기타 농산물을 취급하고 운송하는 데 엄청난 요금을 부과하는 독점 철도 및 곡물 엘리베이터(종종 철도 소유)에 대한 통합 행동의 필요성이었습니다. 이 운동은 1870년 이후 점점 정치적이 되면서 지지자들을 모았습니다.

1871년에 일리노이 농부들은 주 의회가 철도와 곡물 저장 시설이 부과할 수 있는 최대 요금을 고정하는 법안을 통과시키도록 할 수 있었습니다. 미네소타, 위스콘신, 아이오와도 나중에 유사한 규제 법안을 통과시켰습니다. 이 법률은 법정에서 이의를 제기했으며 "그랜저 사건"으로 알려지게 된 사건은 1877년 대법원에 도달했습니다. 그랜저 사건 중 가장 중요한 사건은 다음과 같습니다. V. 일리노이 (q.v.), 시카고 곡물 저장 시설이 최대 요율을 설정한 1871년 일리노이 법의 합헌성에 이의를 제기했습니다. 대법원장 Morrison Remick Waite가 대다수를 차지하는 법원은 공익에 영향을 미치는 민간 기업이 정부 규제의 대상이라는 이유로 주 법률을 지지했습니다.

한편 그랜저 운동의 산물인 자영농 정당이 전국적으로 등장하기 시작했다. Ignatius Donnelly는 주요 조직자 중 한 사람이었고 그의 주간 신문은 반독점주의자 영향력이 컸습니다. 그들의 Grange 회의에서 농부들은 농업 이익을 증진할 후보자에게만 투표하도록 촉구되었습니다. 양대 정당이 철도와 곡물 승강기의 독점 관행을 견제하지 않는다면, Grangers는 행동을 위해 자신의 정당에 눈을 돌렸습니다.

그러나 그린백당(Greenback Party)과 이후 농업 시위를 표현하기 위한 조직의 부상으로 Granger 운동은 1870년대 후반에 가라앉기 시작했습니다. 농기구 제조를 위한 무분별한 농민 소유 협동조합은 그룹의 힘과 재정 자원의 상당 부분을 앗아갔습니다. 1880년까지 회원 수는 100,000명을 약간 넘는 수준으로 떨어졌습니다. 그러나 Granger 운동은 20세기에 특히 동부 지역에서 반등했습니다. 내셔널 그레인지(National Grange)는 농부들의 형제적 조직으로 남아 있으며 농업 부문에 영향을 미치는 국가 입법에 대해 적극적인 입장을 취하고 있습니다.


트럼프 이전의 트럼프주의

역사가들이 "뉴딜 질서"라고 부르는 것은 1970년대 초 세계 경제, 즉 미국이 지배하던 부분이 풀리기 시작할 때까지 계속되었습니다. 그러나 그 전에 문제의 징후가 나타났습니다.

미국의 아파르트헤이트가 위태로웠다. 그것을 해체하려는 노력은 노동 운동과 함께 국가 역사상 가장 중대한 민권 운동으로 시작되었습니다. 결국 그것은 민권법, 투표권법 등을 통과시킨 민주당 내에서 정치적으로 등록되었습니다. 이 기간 동안 민주당 좌파에서는 지속적인 결과를 가져오는 제3자 활동이 거의 없었습니다.

대신 우파에서 제3자 운동이 등장했고 여기에 트럼프주의의 뿌리가 있다. 앨라배마주 주지사 조지 월러스(George Wallace)는 인종차별주의자이자 평생 민주당원으로 1968년 미국 독립당(American Independent Party)이라는 개인 선거 수단의 후보로 대선에 출마했습니다. 월리스는 이미 1964년 예비선거에서 민주당 설립에 심각한 도전을 제기했습니다. 그는 딥 사우스(Deep South)뿐만 아니라 산업화된 중서부 전역에서 꽤 잘했습니다. 그는 1968년 무소속 후보로 총선에서 13.5%의 득표율과 46명의 선거인단 득표율을 기록하면서 더 나은 모습을 보였다.

미국독립당(AIP)은 일부 백인 노동계급과 중산층 사이에 분노를 표출했다. 이러한 분노는 주로 시민권 운동이 오래된 인종 질서에 대한 공격에 대한 불안과 관련이 있습니다. 그러나 그들은 또한 생활 수준의 침체와 물질적 쇠퇴, 베트남 전쟁에서 대포 사료로 사용, 그리고 그들의 가치와 삶의 방식이 국가의 문화 엘리트에 의해 멸시를 받았다는 고통스러운 인식에 의해 주도되었습니다. . 요컨대, 그들은 인종적 적대감에 동기를 부여받았지만 두 주요 정당의 기득권이 자신들의 필요를 무시하는 것에 화가 났습니다. 두 정당 사이에는 월리스가 지겹지 않게 지적한 것처럼 "한 푼의 차이도 없었다."

이전의 타사와 마찬가지로 AIP는 곧 죽었습니다. 그러나 이전의 제3자와 마찬가지로 양당 체제에 깊은 각인을 남겼습니다. 1968년 대선에 출마했을 때 리처드 닉슨은 험버트 험프리만큼 조지 월러스를 걱정했습니다. 닉슨이 불만을 품은 남부 민주당원들 중 일부를 이길 수 있을까요? 그는 일반적으로 민주당원에게 갔던 북부 블루칼라 투표에 참여할 수 있었습니까? 아니면 대신 월러스에게 끌렸을까요?

매디슨 스퀘어 가든(Madison Square Garden)에서 열린 월리스(Wallace) 집회에 2만 명이 모였으며, 미국 노동 연맹(American Federation of Labor) 내부 여론 조사에 따르면 회원의 3분의 1이 월리스에게 끌렸습니다. 닉슨이 간신히 이겼습니다. 그러나 월리스의 실적은 공화당의 전략적 방향 전환의 지혜를 증명할 만큼 강력했습니다.

Wallace 이전에 GOP는 중산층 및 상류층 유권자, 교외 거주자, 부유한 농부 및 소도시 사업가, 전문가 및 기술 관료, Elks Club 회원 및 지역 상공회의소에 의존했습니다. 당 기구는 산업 무역 협회와 주요 기업에서 많은 현금으로 부양되었습니다. 인종에 상관없이 공화당이 노동계급 사람들에게 적합한 집이라고 생각한 사람은 아무도 없었습니다.

미국독립당은 그런 인식을 바꾸었습니다. 좌익 저널리스트 잭 뉴필드는 1968년 선거운동에 대한 회고에서 “1964년의 린든 존슨이나 1968년의 휴버트 험프리가 투표를 당연하게 여겼던 거의 가난한 노동자들을 흥분시킬 수 있는 긍정적이고 흥미로운 아이디어에 대해 선거운동을 했던 것을 기억할 수 없다. . 대조적으로, 월리스 주지사는 연설에서 집중된 부를 공격할 때 윌리엄 제닝스 브라이언(William Jennings Bryan)처럼 들렸습니다.”

1963년 앨라배마 대학교에서 인종차별 철폐에 반대하는 월리스. (위키미디어 커먼즈)

닉슨과 그의 사람들은 주목했습니다. 그들은 곧 "남부 전략"으로 알려지게 된 것을 채택하여 구 연방에서 오랜 민주당의 거점을 점령했습니다. 닉슨은 또한 그의 고문들이 "침묵의 다수"라고 묘사한 것을 요구했습니다. 아마도 평범한 노동자들의 무정형 집단이 인종 혁명, 반전 운동, 반문화와 관련된 반미 불경스러운 분위기에 질려버렸습니다. 닉슨 전략가들은 또한 소외된 백인 노동조합원과 다른 백인 노동자들이 월리스와 AIP를 매력적으로 여기는 북부 산업 중심지를 직접 겨냥한 세 번째 "블루칼라" 전략을 구상했습니다.

닉슨의 통치를 훨씬 지나 레이건과 부시 시대를 통해 공화당은 강력한 재계의 손아귀에 머물렀고 전통적으로 부유하고 교육을 많이 받은 유권자의 표에 계속 의존했습니다. 그러나 한 선거 주기에서 다음 선거 주기로 넘어가면서 "침묵하는 다수"와 그 "블루칼라" 구성 요소는 점점 더 조용해졌으며, 당의 컨트리 클럽 노비의 유연한 도구가 되었습니다.

양당에서 분출한 균열은 추세를 나타냅니다. 억만장자 사업가인 로스 페로는 1992년과 1996년에 대통령 선거를 위한 독립적인 캠페인을 벌였습니다. 이미 산업 일자리가 넘쳐나는 경제에서 페로는 빌 클린턴이 자유 무역 협정을 협상하도록 허용된다면 미국인들이 일자리를 잃는 "거대한 빠는 소리"를 듣게 될 것이라고 경고했습니다. 멕시코와 함께. 클린턴이 이겼다. 노동자들은 "거대한 빠는 소리"를 들었다. 그리고 Perot는 특히 1992년에 대중 득표의 19퍼센트를 얻었을 때 제3당 후보로서 꽤 잘했습니다.

민주당원들은 관심을 기울이지 않았고 오바마 임기 내내 클린턴의 "제3의 길"의 신자유주의 정치에 전념했다. 그들은 유통기한이 훨씬 지난 노동계급 기반에 대한 충성을 당연하게 여겼습니다. 그러나 공화당은 그렇게 만족할 수 없었습니다.

1996년에 전 닉슨 고문이었던 팻 뷰캐넌은 자유 무역(빌 클린턴의 민주당원만큼 GOP의 고위 사령부에게 소중한 것)을 비난하고 이민자들을 미국 일자리를 훔친 혐의로 기소하고 정당 계층을 맹렬히 비난함으로써 공화당 전당대회 대의원들을 스캔들었습니다. 핵가족, 부권, 성적 억제, 종교적 신념에 대한 방어력이 약하기 때문입니다. 잠시 동안 공화당이 둘로 쪼개질 수 있는 분열된 공화당의 전망이 어렴풋이 떠올랐습니다.

Buchanan은 제3자 열망을 가지고 노려보았지만 빠르게 증발했습니다. GOP 내부의 삶은 부시 시대에 정상으로 돌아온 것처럼 보였습니다. 그러나 닉슨의 "침묵의 다수파"와 소위 "레이건 민주당원"은 점점 더 목소리를 높이고 열성적으로 변하고 있었습니다. 2008년 금융 붕괴 기간 동안과 그 이후에 일어난 티 파티 봉기는 양당의 최고 금융 기관과 그들의 정치적 조력자들의 위법 행위와 중범죄에 대해 전반적으로 혐오감을 표명했습니다.

풀뿌리 반군 그룹과 우익 재단이 자금을 지원하는 언론 매체의 혼합으로 구성된 티 파티는 모든 종류의 사람들을 끌어들이는 초기 현상이었습니다. 그것은 정부 규제에 곤경에 처했다고 느끼는 소기업 사람들, 가난한 사람들을 돕기 위해 세금을 내는 것에 분개한 교외의 부유한 사람들, 정부를 배수로로 몰아넣는 장치로 본 Koch 형제와 같은 왕조 사업가들, 그리고 일부 일하는 사람들을 끌어들였습니다. 대공황을 겪고 있는 사람들. 사회적으로 일관성이 없는 제3자는 결코 성공하지 못했습니다.

대신 공화당 내부에 뿌리를 내렸다. 오바마 시대 중반까지, 티 파티와 느슨하게 관련된 사람들은 공화당 기득권의 고위 구성원들에게 성공적인 주요 도전을 시작했습니다. Mitch McConnell과 같은 사람들은 반체제 신념에 따라 점점 더 많은 지지층을 확보해야만 자신의 위치를 ​​유지할 수 있습니다. '침묵하는 다수'는 더 이상 침묵하지 않았다.

그럼에도 불구하고 그 백인 노동계급 세계 중 일부는 오바마에게 투표했고, 새로 시작하는 것에 대한 그의 수사학을 고수했습니다. 그들의 희망은 실망스러웠고, 그들 중 많은 사람들이 힐러리 클린턴의 예전과 같은 것보다 트럼프에게 투표했습니다. 그들은 결국 힐러리의 "개탄스러운 일"이었습니다. 표면적으로 GOP는 굳건해 보였다. 그러나 그것은 아래에서 액화되고 있었다.

도널드 트럼프는 이러한 구조적 변화를 최대한 활용했습니다. 그는 백인 평민의 반란을 일으키고 인종 및 외국인 혐오적인 기류를 조작하고 쇠퇴의 실제 경험에 공감하고 문화적 배척의 감정을 동일시하는 것을 추적했습니다. 그의 수사학적 불경함은 매혹적이었고 그의 권위주의적 성향은 제국의 대통령직에서 자연스럽게 파생된 것이었습니다.

감세와 규제 완화는 공화당의 전통적인 요소를 유지했지만 수년 동안 GOP는 장기 이식을 받았지만 심장은 다른 곳에 있었습니다. 한편, 일부 부유하고 더 나은 교육을 받은 사람들, 특히 온건하거나 자유주의적인 문화적 감수성을 가진 사람들은 공화당에서 민주당을 떠났습니다.

미국 무소속에서 Perot의 출마, 뷰캐넌의 배교, Tea Party의 부상까지 이어지는 이 장기간의 제3자 선동 없이 트럼프의 승리는 상상하기 어렵습니다. 국내에서 가장 기이한 화신 룸펜 부르주아지 - 부르주아적 정직, 자제, 경건, 성적 예의, 예의의 모든 특성을 버린 사람 - 자신을 타락한 백인 군중의 영웅으로 만들고 탈산업화로 야만적이고 무방비 상태가 되었으며 가족, 종교, 애국심의 가치를 지닌 사람 국가의 엘리트들은 이미 버려진 지 오래였다.

조 바이든은 2020년에 트럼프를 압도했습니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 트럼프의 공화당은 블루칼라 득표율을 10년 전보다 12% 늘렸습니다. 공개적인 인종차별과 외국인 혐오증에도 불구하고 트럼프는 2016년보다 노동계급 히스패닉과 아프리카계 미국인 사이에서 더 나은 투표율을 보인 반면(히스패닉계는 13%, 아프리카계 미국인은 7% 더 우수함) 이러한 유권자 중 민주당의 점유율은 8% 하락했습니다. 퍼센트.

공화당의 케미스트리는 매우 불안정하다. 트럼프는 새 정당을 만들지 않는다. 그렇게 하려면 그에게 어울리지 않는 힘든 조직 작업이 필요합니다. 현재 그는 GOP를 지휘하고 있어 MAGA 파티를 필요로 하지 않습니다. 그러한 정당이 결성된다면, 국민의 다른 부분과 함께 사기가 저하된 노동계급 구성원들의 지지를 얻은 다른 극우 운동과 같은 파시스트적 특성을 보일 것입니다.

그러한 정당이 미래에 존재하든 말든, 트럼프 시대는 제3자가 중요하지 않다는 안일한 ​​생각을 복수로 확인하지 않습니다. 좋든 나쁘든 그들은 정말로 죽지 않고 계속 쏘는 것입니다.


그린백 노동당

1875년 3월에 새 정당을 조직하기 위해 클리블랜드에서 전국 대회가 열렸을 때 미국 달러에 대한 아이디어가 다시 떠올랐습니다. 곧이어 1876년 5월 인디애나폴리스에서 지명 대회가 열렸고 Peter Cooper는 대통령으로 지명되었습니다. 그 플랫폼에는 1875년 재개법의 폐지와 이자율이 100달러당 하루 1센트를 초과하지 않는 국채로 전환할 수 있는 법정 화폐 발행이 포함되었습니다. Peter Cooper는 잘 알려진 자선가였으며 캠페인을 많이 이끌지 않았습니다.

그 후 2년 동안 당은 급속도로 성장했고 노동 개혁자들은 대의를 크게 도왔고 1878년 2월 톨레도에서 회의를 개최하여 "국민당"이라는 이름으로 농민-노동 파트너십을 조직했지만 그린백(Greenback)이라는 이름으로 더 잘 알려지게 되었습니다. 노동당. 가을 선거에서 제3당은 백만 표와 15명의 하원 의원을 얻었습니다. 그린백은 달러 발행과 바이메탈 통화 정책을 요구하는 노동 지원을 요청했습니다. 노동단체는 노동시간 단축, 노동국 설립, 중국인 이민 축소 등을 위해 그린백(Greenback)의 지원을 원했다.

이듬해에는 국가의 경제 상황이 개선되고 농민과 노동자의 정치에 대한 관심이 감소했습니다. 1889년 6월 9일 시카고에서 열린 전국 대회에서 사회주의 노동당의 당원을 포함한 농민과 노동 대표는 의견을 달리하고 강령을 채택했습니다.


녹색당 - 역사

돈의 역사 2부

19세기는 로스차일드가 세계 부의 절반을 장악한 것으로 추산되면서 로스차일드의 시대로 알려지게 되었습니다. 오늘날에도 그들의 부는 계속 증가하고 있지만 배경에 녹아들면서 권력이 약해진 듯한 인상을 줍니다. 그들은 로스차일드 이름을 그들이 실제로 통제하는 회사의 일부에만 적용합니다. 일부 저자들은 로스차일드가 영란은행을 인수했을 뿐만 아니라 1816년에 미국 제2은행이라고 불리는 새로운 개인 소유의 미국 중앙은행을 후원하여 미국 대통령에게 큰 문제를 일으켰다고 주장합니다.


앤드류 잭슨 (1828-1836)

미국 의회가 미국 제2은행의 헌장을 갱신하기로 투표했을 때 잭슨은 거부권을 행사하여 갱신 법안이 통과되는 것을 방지했습니다. 그의 대답은 우리에게 흥미로운 통찰력을 줍니다. "우리 정부의 포상을 받는 것은 우리 국민만이 아닙니다. 이 은행의 주식 중 800만 개 이상이 외국인이 보유하고 있습니다. 본질적으로 우리 나라에 은행을 묶을 수 있는 것이 거의 없는 은행에서 우리의 자유와 독립에 위험이 없습니까?

우리의 통화를 통제하고, 우리의 공적 자금을 받고, 수천 명의 시민을 의존하게 합니다. 적의 군사력보다 더 무섭고 위험할 것입니다. 정부가 평등한 보호에 국한하고 하늘이 비를 내리는 것처럼 높은 사람과 낮은 사람, 부자와 가난한 사람에게 똑같이 은혜를 베풀면 그것은 무조건적인 축복이 될 것입니다. 내 앞에 있는 행위에는 이러한 정당한 원칙에서 광범위하고 불필요한 일탈이 있는 것 같습니다.'

Andrew Jackson 1 1832년 잭슨은 두 번째 은행에서 정부 예금을 인출하도록 명령하고 대신 안전한 은행에 넣어 두었습니다. Second Banks 책임자인 Nicholas Biddle은 은행이 재승인되지 않으면 경기 침체를 일으키겠다고 공개적으로 위협했을 때 은행의 권한과 의도에 대해 매우 솔직했다고 합니다. " 광범위한 고통 외에는 의회에 어떤 영향도 미치지 않을 것입니다. 우리의 유일한 안전은 확고한 규제의 꾸준한 과정을 추구하는 것입니다. 그리고 나는 그러한 과정이 궁극적으로 통화의 회복과 은행의 재계약으로 이어질 것이라는 데 의심의 여지가 없습니다.”

Nicholas Biddle 1836년 기존 대출을 요청하고 새로운 대출 발행을 거부함으로써 그는 엄청난 공황을 일으켰지만 1836년 헌장이 소진되자 두 번째 은행은 기능을 멈췄습니다. 그때 그는 다음과 같은 두 가지 유명한 말을 했습니다. "은행이 나를 죽이려고 하지만 나는 죽일 것입니다!" 그리고 나중에는 "미국인들이 우리 돈과 은행 시스템의 계급적 불평등을 이해하기만 한다면 아침이 오기 전에 혁명이 있을 것입니다. . "

앤드류 잭슨(Andrew Jackson) 자신의 경력 중 가장 큰 성과가 무엇이라고 생각하느냐는 질문에 앤드류 잭슨은 망설임 없이 "나는 은행을 죽였다!"라고 대답했지만, 우리가 볼 때 이것이 사적 재정적 영향력이 공적자로 사칭되는 끝이 아니라는 것을 알게 될 것입니다.


1. 상원에 대한 은행 법안의 거부권을 행사한 앤드류 잭슨(1832)


아브라함 링컨과 남북 전쟁(1861-1865)

중앙 은행이 중단되면서 부분 준비 은행은 수많은 주정부 공인 은행을 통해 바이러스처럼 이동하는 대신 이러한 형태의 경제가 번창하는 불안정을 야기했습니다. 사람들이 집을 잃으면 다른 사람이 그들의 가치의 일부만 받고 집을 얻습니다. 대부업자에게 대공황은 좋은 소식이지만 전쟁은 다른 어떤 것보다 더 많은 부채와 의존을 야기합니다. 따라서 환전상이 중앙 은행에 돈을 발행할 수 있는 허가를 줄 수 없다면 전쟁이 일어나야 합니다. 우리는 노예제가 미국 남북 전쟁의 유일한 원인이 아니었음을 당시 독일 수상의 이 인용문에서 알 수 있습니다. "미국을 대등한 힘의 연방으로 나누는 것은 남북 전쟁이 있기 오래 전에 유럽의 강대국에 의해 결정되었습니다. 이 은행가들은 미국이 하나의 블록으로, 하나의 국가로 남아 있으면 경제적, 재정적 독립을 달성하여 세계에 대한 재정적 지배를 뒤엎을 것을 두려워했습니다.'

1876년 독일의 Otto von Bismark 수상 1861년 4월 12일에 이 경제 전쟁이 시작되었습니다. 예상대로 링컨은 전쟁 자금을 조달할 자금이 필요하여 재무장관과 함께 필요한 대출을 신청하기 위해 뉴욕으로 갔다. 연합이 실패하기를 바라는 환전상들은 24%에서 36%의 대출을 제공했습니다. 링컨은 그 제안을 거절했습니다. 링컨의 오랜 친구인 시카고의 딕 테일러 대령은 전쟁 자금 조달 문제를 해결하는 일을 맡았습니다. 그의 해법은 이렇게 기록되어 있다. "합법화 된 재무부 지폐의 인쇄를 승인하는 법안을 의회가 통과시키도록 하십시오. 당신의 병사들에게 그들에게 돈을 지불하고 그들과 함께 전쟁에서 승리하십시오.'

딕 테일러 대령 링컨이 미국인들이 테일러의 말을 받아들일 것인지 물었을 때. "당신이 그들을 완전한 법정화폐로 만든다면 사람들이나 다른 누구도 이 문제에서 선택의 여지가 없을 것입니다. 그들은 정부의 완전한 승인을 받을 것이며 의회가 헌법에 의해 명시적인 권리를 부여받은 만큼의 돈을 갖게 될 것입니다.”

딕 테일러 1 링컨 대령은 이 솔루션을 시도하기로 동의했고 다른 지폐와 구별하기 위해 뒷면에 녹색 잉크를 사용하여 4억 5천만 달러 상당의 새 지폐를 인쇄했습니다. "정부는 정부의 소비력과 소비자의 구매력을 충족시키는 데 필요한 모든 통화와 신용을 창출하고 발행하고 유통해야 합니다. 돈을 만들고 발행하는 특권은 정부의 최고의 특권일 뿐만 아니라 정부의 가장 큰 창조적인 기회입니다. 이러한 원칙을 채택함으로써 균일한 매체에 대한 오랫동안 느껴온 욕구가 충족될 것입니다. 납세자들은 엄청난 이자, 할인 및 교환 금액을 절약할 수 있습니다. 모든 공기업의 자금조달, 안정적인 정부의 유지와 질서정연한 진전, 재무부의 운영은 실질적인 행정의 문제가 될 것이다. 사람들은 자신의 정부만큼 안전한 통화를 제공받을 수 있고 제공받을 것입니다. 돈은 주인을 그만두고 인류의 종이 될 것입니다. 민주주의는 돈의 힘보다 우세할 것입니다.'

Abraham Lincoln 2 이것으로부터 우리는 해결책이 아주 잘 작동했음을 알 수 있습니다. Lincoln은 이 긴급 조치를 영구적인 정책으로 채택하는 것을 진지하게 고려하고 있었습니다. 이것은 이 정책이 그들에게 얼마나 위험한지 재빨리 깨달은 환전상을 제외하고는 모두에게 좋았을 것입니다. 그들은 런던 타임즈에 자신의 견해를 표현하는 데 시간을 낭비하지 않았습니다. 이상하게도 이 기사는 이러한 창의적인 금융 정책을 좌절시키기 위해 고안된 것 같지만, 그 내용을 보면 정책의 장점을 분명히 볼 수 있습니다. "북미에서 시작된 이 장난꾸러기 금융 정책이 고착화되면 그 정부는 비용 없이 자체 자금을 제공할 것입니다. 그것은 부채를 갚고 부채가 없을 것입니다. 그것은 상업을 수행하는 데 필요한 모든 돈을 갖게 될 것입니다. 세계 역사상 전례 없는 번영을 누리게 될 것입니다. 모든 국가의 두뇌와 부는 북미로 갈 것입니다. 그 나라는 반드시 멸망해야 합니다. 그렇지 않으면 전 세계의 모든 군주국을 파괴할 것입니다.'

Hazard Circular - London Times 1865 이 발췌문에서 정책을 사용하지 않는 사람들에게 위협이 되는 것이 이 정책을 채택함으로써 제공되는 이점을 확인하기 위한 계획입니다. 1863년, 링컨은 전쟁에서 승리하기 위해 더 많은 돈이 필요했고 그가 이 취약한 상태에 있는 것을 보고 대통령이 더 많은 달러를 발행할 의회 권한을 얻을 수 없다는 것을 알고 환전상들은 내셔널 법안 통과를 제안했습니다. 은행법. 행위는 통과했다. 이 시점부터 전체 미국 통화 공급은 은행가들이 미국 국채를 구매하고 은행권 준비금에서 발행함으로써 부채에서 창출될 것입니다. 그린백은 1994년까지 계속 유통되었으며 그 수는 증가하지 않았지만 실제로 감소했습니다. "전쟁이 끝난 후 여러 해 동안 연방 정부는 막대한 흑자를 기록했습니다. (그러나) 부채를 상환할 수 없었고 증권을 폐기할 수 없었습니다. 그렇게 하는 것은 국가 은행권을 뒷받침할 채권이 없다는 것을 의미했기 때문입니다. 빚을 갚는 것은 화폐 공급을 파괴하는 것이었다.'

John Kenneth Galbrath 미국 경제는 1864년부터 정부 부채에 기반을 두고 있으며 이 시스템에 갇혀 있습니다. 은행 시스템을 먼저 개혁하지 않고 빚을 갚는다는 이야기는 그저 이야기일 뿐이고 완전히 불가능하다. 같은 해 링컨은 기분 좋은 놀라움을 선사했습니다. 러시아의 차르인 Alexander II는 환전소 사기를 잘 알고 있었습니다. The Tsar was refusing to allow them to set up a central bank in Russia. If Lincoln could limit the power of the money changers and win the war, the bankers would not be able to split America and hand it back to Britain and France as planned. The Tsar knew that this handing back would come at a cost which would eventually need to be paid back by attacking Russia, it being clearly in the money changers sights. The Tsar declared that if France or Britain gave help to the South, Russia would consider this an act of war. Britain and France would instead wait in vain to have the wealth of the colonies returned to them, and while they waited Lincoln won the civil war. With an election coming up the next year, Lincoln himself would wait for renewed public support before reversing the National Bank Act he had been pressured into approving during the war. Lincoln's opposition to the central banks financial control and a proposed return to the gold standard is well documented. He would certainly have killed off the national banks monopoly had he not been killed himself only 41 days after being re-elected. The money changers were pressing for a gold standard because gold was scarce and easier to have a monopoly over. Much of this was already waiting in their hands and each gold merchant was well aware that what they really had could be easily made to seem like much much more. Silver would only widen the field and lower the share so they pressed for.


1. Lincoln By Emil Ludwig 1930, containing a letter from Lincoln, also reprinted in Glory to God and the Sucker Democracy A Manuscript Collection of the Letters of Charles H. Lanphier compiled by Charles C. Patton.
2. Abraham Lincoln. Senate document 23, Page 91. 1865.


THE RETURN OF THE GOLD STANDARD (1866 - 1881)

"Right after the Civil War there was considerable talk about reviving Lincoln's brief experiment with the Constitutional monetary system. Had not the European money-trust intervened, it would have no doubt become an established institution."

W.Cleon Skousen. Even after his death, the idea that America might print its own debt free money set off warning bells throughout the entire European banking community. On April 12th in 1866, the American congress passed the Contraction Act, allowing the treasury to call in and retire some of Lincoln's greenbacks, With only the banks standing to gain from this, it's not hard to work out the source of this action. To give the American public the false impression that they would be better off under the gold standard, the money changers used the control they had to cause economic instability and panic the people. This was fairly easy to do by calling in existing loans and refusing to issue new ones, a tried and proven method of causing depression. They would then spread the word through the media they largely controlled that the lack of a single gold standard was the cause of the hardship which ensued, while all this time using the Contraction Act to lower the amount of money in circulation.

It went from $1.8 billion in circulation in 1866 allowing $50.46 per person, to $1.3 billion in 1867 allowing $44.00 per person, to .6 billion in 1876 making only $14.60 per person and down to .4 billion only ten years later leaving only $6.67 per person and a continually growing population.

Most people believe the economists when they tell us that recessions and depressions are part of the natural flow, but in truth the money supply is controlled by a small minority who have always done so and will continue to do so if we let them. By 1872 the American public was beginning to feel the squeeze, so the Bank of England, scheming in the back rooms, sent Ernest Seyd, with lots of money to bribe congress into demonetising silver. Ernest drafted the legislation himself, which came into law with the passing of the Coinage Act, effectively stopping the minting of silver that year. Here's what he said about his trip, obviously pleased with himself. "I went to America in the winter of 1872-73, authorised to secure, if I could, the passage of a bill demonetising silver. It was in the interest of those I represented - the governors of the Bank of England - to have it done. By 1873, gold coins were the only form of coin money."

Ernest Seyd Or as explained by Senator Daniel of Virginia "In 1872 silver being demonetized in Germany, England, and Holland, a capital of 100,000 pounds ($500,000.00) was raised, Ernest Seyd was sent to this country with this fund as agent for foreign bond holders to effect the same object (demonetization of silver)". 1

Within three years, with 30% of the work force unemployed, the American people began to harken back to the days of silver backed money and the greenbacks. The US Silver Commission was set up to study the problem and responded with telling history: "The disaster of the Dark Ages was caused by decreasing money and falling prices. Without money, civilisation could not have had a beginning, and with a diminishing supply, it must languish and unless relieved, finally perish. At the Christian era the metallic money of the Roman Empire amounted to $1,800,million. By the end of the fifteenth century it had shrunk to less than $200,million. History records no other such disastrous transition as that from the Roman Empire to the Dark Ages. "

United States Silver Commission While they obviously could see the problems being caused by the restricted money supply, this declaration did little to help the problem, and in 1877 riots broke out all over the country. The bank's response was to do nothing except to campaign against the idea that greenbacks should be reissued. The American Bankers Association secretary James Buel expressed the bankers attitude well in a letter to fellow members of the association.

He wrote: "It is advisable to do all in your power to sustain such prominent daily and weekly newspapers, especially the Agricultural and Religious Press, as will oppose the greenback issue of paper money and that you will also withhold patronage from all applicants who are not willing to oppose the government issue of money. To repeal the Act creating bank notes, or to restore to circulation the government issue of money will be to provide the people with money and will therefore seriously affect our individual profits as bankers and lenders. See your congressman at once and engage him to support our interest that we may control legislation."
James Buel American Bankers Association 2 What this statement exposes is the difference in mentality between your average person and a banker. With a banker 'less really is more' and every need an opportunity to exploit. James Garfield became President in 1881 with a firm grasp of where the problem lay. "Whosoever controls the volume of money in any country is absolute master of all industry and commerce. And when you realise that the entire system is very easily controlled, one way or another, by a few powerful men at the top, you will not have to be told how periods of inflation and depression originate."

James Garfield 1881 Within weeks of releasing this statement President Garfield was assassinated. The cry from the streets was to.


1. Senator Daniel of Virginia, May 22, 1890, from a speech in Congress, to be found in the Congressional Record, page 5128, quoting from the Bankers Magazine of August, 1873
2. from a circular issued by authority of the Associated Bankers of New York, Philadelphia, and Boston signed by one James Buel, secretary, sent out from 247 Broadway, New York in 1877, to the bankers in all of the States

Fleecing of the flock is the term the money changers use for the process of booms and depressions which make it possible for them to repossess property at a fraction of its worth. In 1891 a major fleece was being planned. "On Sept 1st, 1894, we will not renew our loans under any consideration. On Sept 1st we will demand our money. We will foreclose and become mortgagees in possession. We can take two-thirds of the farms west of the Mississippi, and thousands of them east of the Mississippi as well, at our own price. Then the farmers will become tenants as in England. "

1891 American Bankers Association as printed in the Congressional Record of April 29, 1913 The continued gold standard made this possible. William Jennings Bryan was the Democratic candidate for president in 1896, campaigning to bring silver back as a money standard. (free Silver) "We will answer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labour this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."
William Jennings Bryan Of course the money changers supported his opposition on the Republican side so long as he wanted the gold standard maintained. The factory bosses were somehow convinced to tell their work force that business would close down if Bryan was elected, and everyone would lose their jobs. The Republicans won by a small margin. Bryan tried again in 1900 and in 1908 but lost both times. He became secretary of state under Wilson in 1912 but became disenchanted and resigned in 1915 under suspicious circumstances connected with the sinking of the Lusitania which drove America into the First World War.


J.P.MORGAN AND THE CRASH OF 1907

If you want to work out the cause of the crash of 1907, checking who benefited is where you might like to look first. With the stock market slump causing most of the over extended banks to falter, in steps J.P. Morgan offering to save the day. People will do strange things when in a panic, and this might explain why Morgan was authorised to print $200 million from nothing, which he then used to prop things up. Some of the troubled banks with less than 1% in reserve had no choice. It was accept this solution or go under. Even if they had worked out that their problems had been caused by the same people now offering the solution, there is not a lot they could have done about it. J.P.Morgan was hailed a hero. "All this trouble could be averted if we appointed a committee of six or seven men like J.P.Morgan to handle the affairs of our country."

Woodrow Wilson But not everyone was fooled. "Those not favourable to the money trust could be squeezed out of business and the people frightened into demanding changes in the banking and currency laws which the Money Trust would frame."

Rep. Charles A. Lindbergh (R-MN) Apart from making a small number rich at the expense of the many, in this case the instability also served the second purpose of encouraging the public to believe that they would be better off living under a Central Bank and a Gold Standard. Desperate people have little time for logic.

In Washington the statue of Lincoln sitting in his chair is facing a building called the Federal Reserve Headquarters. This institution would not be there if Lincoln's monetary policy had been adopted by the USA. It is not Federal and it has doubtful reserves. The name is an open deception designed to give this private bank the appearance that it is operating in the public's interest, when in fact it is run solely to gain private profit for its select stock holders. It came into being as the result of one of the slickest moves in financial history. On 23rd December 1913 the house of representatives had past the Federal Reserve Act, but it was still having difficulty getting it out of the senate. Most members of congress had gone home for the holidays, but unfortunately the senate had not adjourned sene die (without day) so they were technically still in session. There were only three members still present. On a unanimous consent voice vote the 1913 Federal Reserve Act was passed. No objection was made, possibly because there was no one there to object. Charles Lindbergh would have objected. "The financial system has been turned over to. the federal reserve board. That board administers the finance system by authority of. a purely profiteering group. The system is private, conducted for the sole purpose of obtaining the greatest possible profits from the use of other peoples money."

Rep Charles A, Lindbergh (R-MN) Louis T. McFadden would have objected. "We have in this country one of the most corrupt institutions the world has ever known. I refer to the Federal Reserve Board. This evil institution has impoverished. the people of the United States. and has practically bankrupted our Government. It has done this through. the corrupt practice of the moneyed vultures who control it."

Rep. Louis T, McFadden (R-PA) Barry Goldwater would also have objected. "Most Americans have no real understanding of the operation of the international money lenders. The accounts of the Federal Reserve System have never been audited. It operates outside the control of Congress and. manipulates the credit of the United States."

Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-AZ) Most Americans would object if they knew. The Federal Reserve is the largest single creditor of the United States Government, and they are also the people who decide how much the average persons car payments are going to be, what their house payments are going to be, and whether they have a job or not. The three people who passed the Federal Reserve Act in 1913, knew exactly what they were doing when they set up this private bank, modelled on the Bank of England and the fact that THE BANK OF ENGLAND had been operating independently unopposed since 1694 must have given them a great deal of confidence.


The Reconstructed South

The postwar South, where most of the fighting had occurred, faced many challenges. In the war’s aftermath, Southerners experienced collapsed property values, damaged railroads, and agricultural hardships. The elite planters were faced with overwhelming economic adversity perpetuated by a lack of laborers for their fields. However, it was the newly freed slaves in the former Confederate states that faced the greatest challenge: what to do with their newfound freedom.

Blacks acquired new rights and opportunities, such as equality before the law and the rights to own property, be married, attend schools, enter professions, and learn to read and write. One of the first opportunities the former slaves took advantage of was the chance to educate themselves and their children. The new Radical Republican state governments took steps to provide adequate public schools for the first time in the south.

Nearly 600,000 black students, from children to the elderly, were in southern schools by 1877. Although State Reconstruction officials tried to prohibit discrimination, the new schools practiced racial segregation, and the black schools generally received less funding than white schools. Black churches, recognizing the importance of the education initiatives, helped raise money to build schools and pay teachers, and many northern missionaries moved south to serve as teachers.

Another opportunity the former slaves pursued was involvement in politics. When the Fifteenth Amendment offered the chance for suffrage, black men seized the opportunity and began to organize politically. The freedmen affiliated themselves with the Republican Party, and hundreds of black delegates participated in statewide political conventions. Blacks used the Union Leagues to organize into a network of political clubs, provide political education, and campaign for Republican candidates. Black women did not have the right to vote at the time, but they aided the political movement with rallies and meetings that supported the Republican candidates.

In the new state governments of the south, black participation was a novelty. As their political involvement grew, several freedmen were elected to office. Those who were elected generally had some education, had served in the Union Army during the Civil War, had been free before the 1860s, or had some prior experience in public service.

Nearly 600 blacks served as state legislators, and many participated in the local governments as mayors, judges, and sheriffs. Between 1868 and 1876 at the federal level, 14 black men served in the House of Representatives and two black men served in the Senate--Hiram Revels and Blanche K. Bruce, both born in Mississippi and educated in the north. The freedmen’s involvement in politics caused a great deal of controversy in the south, where the idea of former slaves holding office was not widely supported.

While several black men held political offices, the top positions with the most power in southern state governments were held by the freedmen’s white Republican allies. The Confederate-minded whites soon came to call them “carpetbaggers” and “scalawags,” depending on their place of birth.

The Confederates described “carpetbaggers” as Northerners who packed all their belongings in carpetbag suitcases and rushed south in hopes of finding economic opportunity and personal power, which was true in some instances. Many of these Northerners were actually businessmen, professionals, teachers, and preachers who either wanted to “modernize” the south or were driven by a missionary impulse.

The “scalawags” were native Southerners and Unionists who had opposed secession. The former Confederates accused them of cooperating with the Republicans because they wanted to advance their personal interests. Many of the “scalawags” became Republicans because they had originally supported the Whig Party before secession and they saw the Republicans as the logical successors to the defunct Whig Party.

Some Southern whites resorted to savage tactics against the new freedom and political influence blacks held. Several secret vigilante organizations developed. The most prominent terrorist group was the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), first organized in Pulaski, Tennessee in 1866. Members of the KKK, called “Klansmen,” rode around the south, hiding under white masks and robes, terrorizing Republicans and intimidating black voters. They went so far as to flog, mutilate, and even lynch blacks.

Congress, outraged by the brutality of the vigilantes and the lack of local efforts to protect blacks and persecute their tormentors, struck back with three Enforcement Acts (1870-1871) designed to stop the terrorism and protect black voters. The Acts allowed the federal government to intervene when state authorities failed to protect citizens from the vigilantes. Aided by the military, the program of federal enforcement eventually undercut the power of the Ku Klux Klan. However, the Klan’s actions had already weakened black and Republican morale throughout the south.

As the Radical Republican influence diminished in the south, other interests occupied the attention of Northerners. Western expansion, Indian wars, corruption at all levels of government, and the growth of industry all diverted attention from the civil rights and well-being of ex-slaves. By 1876, Radical Republican regimes had collapsed in all but two of the former Confederate states, with the Democratic Party taking over. Despite the Republicans’ efforts, the planter elite were regaining control of the south. This group came to be known as the “Redeemers,” a coalition of prewar Democrats and Union Whigs who sought to undo the changes brought about in the south by the Civil War. Many were ex-plantation owners called “Bourbons” whose policies affected blacks and poor whites, leading to an increase in class division and racial violence in the post-war south.


People's Party

The agrarian reform movement known as Populism found political expression in Texas as the People's party, which evolved from the Grange, the Greenback party, and the Farmers' Alliance into the most successful of the third-party movements in state history. A group known as the Jeffersonian Democrats (not to be confused with the later Jeffersonian Democrats) split from the Democratic party in 1890 and in April 1892 fused with the Populists to form the People's party which later drew some strength also from Republicans, Socialists, and Prohibitionists. The Populist electorate was recruited from small farmers, sheep ranchers, laborers, and blacks. The program had as its major demands the preservation of land from large and alien landowners, regulation of transportation, and increase of the amount of money in circulation. Minor party demands at various times included tax reform and trust regulation, popular election of officials, lower salaries for public officials, direct legislation, the recall, and proportional representation.

Southern support for the People's (Populist) party was intricately tied to activities of the Southern Farmers' Alliance, one of the largest agrarian protest organizations in American history. In his 1889 presidential address at the national convention of the alliance, Charles W. Macune argued that the agricultural depression and the deepening general depression were due to an insufficient supply of currency. His proposed remedy, the subtreasury plan, called for government land loans and commodity loans direct to farmers. The subtreasury plan was based on a fiat currency system wherein the amount of circulating currency was dictated by the needs of the country, not the availability of gold or silver. After endorsing the subtreasury proposal, alliance members debated how to get it implemented. The majority thought that pressure politics within the existing political parties would suffice. Others, however, argued that a new party was needed. To appease these third-party proponents, Macune proposed that the alliance meet with other reform organizations in St. Louis in February 1892 to discuss the desirability of a third party. During the time before the meeting, reform organizations could test the utility of pressure politics. Though the alliance was reluctant to endorse the idea of a third party, other reform organizations were not. In May 1891 a national convention in Cincinnati of almost 400 delegates from various reform organizations established the People's party. To increase the appeal of the party to Southerners, the convention delegates adopted a platform identical to the alliance platform. They also postponed nominations for the coming elections until after the alliance-called St. Louis convention. They hoped that the South, poorly represented at the Cincinnati convention, would warm to the idea of a third party if given additional time. Their patience was rewarded, since the Democratic party increasingly alienated alliance members. When the chairman of the state Democratic executive committee, Newton W. Finley, issued an ultimatum that Texas alliance members must abandon their support of fiatism and the subtreasury plan before they could vote in Democratic primaries, the St. Louis convention endorsed the newly founded People's party.

The history of the People's party in Texas is of particular interest because the party benefited from a grass-roots communication structure developed by the largest state alliance organization in the country. It was in Texas that the alliance was born and that its most innovative and extensive projects were formulated. Movement toward establishing a third party in Texas began in the late 1880s and culminated with the formal organization of a Texas People's party in Dallas on August 18, 1891. Party organization included Populist clubs, primaries, biennial county conventions, district conventions, and the state convention. There was an executive committee and a campaign committee at each level. An educational campaign to spread Populism made use of printed appeals, reform speakers, and camp meetings similar to revival meetings. During the political campaigns proper, campaign managers waged a war in oratory, writing, and action against opposing forces. Texas politics became more vigorous than at any time since Reconstruction. Populist leaders encouraged the establishment and growth of reform journals, and the reform press, vigorous and crusading, became a factor in Populist success. The weekly Texas Advance (Dallas) and later the weekly Southern Mercury (Dallas) were statewide party organs. In 1895 seventy Texas counties had Populist newspapers of about 600 papers published in Texas in that year, 75 were Populist. At the height of the movement there were about 100 Populist newspapers.

In 1892 the Populist party was nominating candidates for public office, who posed a serious threat to the dominance of the Democrats. The Democrats attempted to deflect alliance attention from the subtreasury demand by advocating a more conservative reform&mdash "free silver." They agreed that the root cause of the economic crisis was an insufficient currency supply. In 1873 the federal government had returned the treasury to the gold standard, which it had temporarily abandoned due to Civil War expenses. This action had contracted the currency supply severely, thereby precipitating a major economic crisis. A return to a bimetallic monetary base of gold and silver would, it was argued, revitalize the economy. Not all Democratic politicians in Texas, however, were supporters of bimetallism. The bimetallists, led by incumbent governor James Hogg, were opposed by the gold-standard, "sound-money" advocates led by George Clark. The latter accused the Hogg faction of a "weak and cowardly surrender" to third-partyism. The Clark supporters bolted at the state Democratic convention in August 1892 and put out an independent ticket. Third-party activists such as Harry Tracy and H. S. P. "Stump" Ashby , working in large part through alliance-established communication networks, criticized both gold-standard advocates and bimetallists. A fiat, irredeemable monetary system, as entailed in the subtreasury plan, was essential to these men. Their views were consistent with the Omaha platform adopted by the People's party in 1892, which stressed a flexible currency system through the subtreasury.

The success of the third-party campaign was limited. The results in the 1892 Texas gubernatorial election placed Populist Thomas Nugent third in a field of five candidates he garnered about 25 percent of the vote or 108,483 votes, roughly the equivalent of half the Texas alliance membership. The presidential election returns from Texas gave Democrat Grover Cleveland 57 percent of the vote and Populist James B. Weaver 24 percent. The party's failure in this election resulted partly from its attempt to build a coalition of Black and White voters. Despite such high-profile Black Populists as John B. Rayner who was on the executive committee, the People's party was unable to persuade the majority of Black Texans to abandon the Republican party. The party also proved inept in convincing the rank and file members to put aside their racial prejudices when "faced [with] a choice between White supremacy and a Populist governor. they chose White supremacy." These election results also indicated a major vulnerability of third parties. A third party must meet two challenges: it must convince the majority of voters that the reforms it is advocating are necessary, and it must convince them of the viability of the third-party challenge. If only the first challenge is met, many voters in agreement with third-party demands will nevertheless choose the less objectionable of the old-party candidates. In the 1892 state election, for example, to vote for the People's party would have split the reform vote and possibly resulted in Clark's victory, and many potential third-party supporters were not willing to risk that possibility. As for the national election, the probability of a People's party victory was remote. This fact, coupled with the similarity between the Republican and Democratic presidential candidates, resulted in most people voting as usual.

Under the new Cleveland administration, the economic crisis grew more severe. The rebellious spirit of the people did not go unnoticed Texas Democrats recognized that another split in the state ticket might be disastrous. At their 1894 convention they agreed that there would be no bolting. The platform adopted did not contain any monetary reform demands. Yet, in an ironic twist, the reform faction won most of the nominations, including that of free-silverite Charles Culberson for governor. As a consequence, the candidates opposed the platform of the party that nominated them. Populists argued in 1894 that voters could not expect reform from a party that had no genuine, unified commitment to reform. Many voters agreed: they elected twenty-two Populist candidates to the state House of Representatives and two to the state Senate. In eight of the thirteen national congressional elections, the Populist candidates polled over 40 percent of the vote. In the gubernatorial election, Culberson won with 49 percent of the vote. Populist Thomas Nugent received about 36 percent of the vote, an 11 percent increase in third-party support since 1892. This increased support occurred despite electoral illegalities. In Huntsville for example, penitentiary employees who refused to pledge support for the Democratic party were discharged. Fear of job security subsequently spread through the ranks of state employees. Similar types of intimidation were experienced in the private sector. The Black population was particularly vulnerable to intimidation and fraud. Culberson's margin of victory was maintained by the suspiciously large Democratic vote in the heavily Black-populated counties. In contrast to Texas, nationally the People's party did very poorly in 1894. It obtained over 40 percent of the vote in only thirty-three of the 350 congressional races. This was a major blow to the party since a key reform demand&mdash revamping the monetary system&mdash could be accomplished only at the national level.

While third-party activists in Texas continued their campaign against both bimetallists and gold-standard advocates, national party chairman H. E. Taubeneck decided that the party's viability depended on compromise. He believed that neither the Republican nor Democratic party would endorse monetary reform in its national platform in 1896. Therefore, he argued that the People's party should gather bimetallists under its banner and maximize its chance of winning office. This necessitated abandoning reform demands for fiatism and the subtreasury. In Texas, most third-partyites expressed disgust with Taubeneck's view. When a well-known Texas Populist, James H. "Cyclone" Davis , sided with him, their reaction appeared generally to be one of anger. Texas Populists notwithstanding, Taubeneck successfully mobilized a majority faction in favor of his plan. His plan went awry, however, when unexpectedly the national Democratic party endorsed bimetallism and nominated free-silverite William Jennings Bryan for president. It was too late for Taubeneck to change course. Consequently, pro-Bryan sentiment was strong at the national People's party convention, and by a vote of 1,042 to 321 Bryan won the presidential nomination. The Texas delegation cast all 103 of its votes for Bryan's opponent, S. F. Norton. Dallas county Populists had sent a telegram to the convention: "Five hundred Populists say never surrender. Bryan means death." The anti-fusionists, led by Texan Stump Ashby, were successful in preventing complete fusion of the Democratic and Populist tickets. They rallied support behind Southern Populist Tom Watson for vice president rather than Democratic candidate Arthur M. Sewall. Thus, while the Populists officially supported Democrat Bryan, some states offered the Bryan-Watson ticket as an alternative to complete fusion.

At the Texas People's party convention that began a week after the national convention in 1896, wild cheering broke out in support of Ashby and the other "immortal 103" anti-fusionists. A committee appointed to contact other state Populist conventions proposed a telegram that read: "No Watson, no Bryan." But Charles H. Jenkins, state party treasurer and chairman of the platform and resolutions committee, strongly opposed the wording he argued that the national convention had nominated Bryan and the nomination was binding. He successfully delayed the vote on whether to send the telegram until it made little difference, other state conventions having adjourned. Some Texas anti-fusionists thought that the Democratic party was attempting to destroy the People's party, and they angrily stated that they would not vote for Bryan. The Texas press picked up on this and charged that Texas Populists were in collusion with the Republican party Republican support for the state Populist ticket was allegedly being traded for Populist support of the national Republican ticket. Although the chairman of the state People's party denied the charges, the alleged fusion dominated the news and caused considerable dissention among rank-and-file Populists. The 1896 election results in Texas placed the Bryan-Watson ticket in third place, with a mere 15 percent of the vote. The ticket carried only one county in Texas, Sabine. Populists in the state attributed the poor performance to the fusionist efforts of the national party leaders. As evidence of the continued viability of the People's party, they noted that the Populist gubernatorial candidate, Jerome Kearby, had garnered 44 percent of the vote. However, Kearby's success was largely due to the fact that the Republicans did not field a gubernatorial candidate in fact, Republican ballots bore the names of the Populist candidates for state office.

The continued wrangling between the anti-fusionists and fusionists took its toll. In the 1898 gubernatorial election in Texas, Populist Barney (Barnett) Gibbs received only 28 percent of the vote. In 1900 the split between the two factions became official. Anti-fusionists bolted and called for a separate national convention in Cincinnati. In Texas delegates to the state People's party convention voted to send representatives to Cincinnati. Some Texas Populists were angered by the vote, stating that it placed them out of the sphere of influence within the regular party organization. These Populists, which included all three representatives to the national People's party executive committee and most of the members to the state executive committee, bolted from the convention amid hisses and jeers. The delegates at the regular People's party convention in 1900 again nominated Bryan as president and Charles Towne, a free-silver Republican, as vice president. When Towne later resigned, the national executive committee made no move to replace him but instead accepted complete fusion with the Democratic Bryan-Stevenson ticket. The anti-fusionists fielded a straight Populist ticket, nominating Wharton Barker as president and Ignatius Donnelly as vice president. But the Barker-Donnelly ticket flopped. In Texas it received only 5 percent of the vote. The Populist gubernatorial candidate did not fare much better he received only 6 percent of the total vote. The People's party had clearly lost its viability as a reform party.

Historians have attributed the demise of the People's party to various factors, including the demoralization caused by fusion, the return of prosperity after 1896, and the development of a more sympathetic Democratic party platform at this time. Whatever the cause, the party's political effectiveness was over by 1900, although it slated a candidate for governor in Texas through 1904 and a presidential candidate through 1908. Despite its demise, the People's party in Texas represented a successful coalition of Anglo small farmers, Blacks, and labor. Its effectiveness in voicing the concerns of these groups was an important part of Texas politics at the turn of the century and was instrumental in the rise of other reform groups in Texas in the twentieth century.


Politics of the 1870s and 1880s

Two seemingly incongruent trends marked the political landscape of the last quarter of the nineteenth century. At no other time was the citizen’s interest in elections and politics more avid than during this time period. In fact, 80 to 90 percent of the eligible voters (white and black males in the North and white males the South) consistently voted in local and national elections. This amazing turnout occurred at a time when the major political parties differed little on the issues and when the platforms of the two main national political parties were almost indistinguishable. Consequently, throughout the era, voters gave few strict mandates to either parties or individuals and the outcomes of the presidential races were determined by a relatively small number of votes. Although Grover Cleveland, elected in 1884, was the first Democratic presidential candidate to win office since James Buchanan in 1856, no sitting President had a majority of his own party in both houses of Congress for his entire term.

Political activity in the Midwest was both highly partisan and rousingly participatory. Thousands turned out for political rallies and parades, sometimes clothed in cheap but colorful costumes provided by the parties and marching along with the bands and floats. Men and women sat for hours in the hot sun devouring details on the issues of the day, regardless of the fact that the parties differed little on these very issues. These rallies were as much social events as political gatherings.

The political debate was actively carried on in the press. Newspaper circulation far exceeded the number of voters in most counties, indicating that many families subscribed to more than one paper. In 1886, the Midwest published 340 dailies and 2900 weeklies, totals that were almost exactly the same as the number of television and radio stations in the nation in the mid-1950s. These papers flourished because they were semiofficial party organs, and provided a direct route from the party operatives to the rank and file. The news was almost as biased as the editorials.

Voters spoke of political loyalty in the same breath as religious affiliation. Most voted as their fathers had before them. A sample of thousands of interviews taken by directory makers in Illinois and Indiana in the mid-1870s showed that only 2 percent of men were without a party affiliation. Anyone uncomfortable with his party’s position would most likely not split his ticket and almost never switched parties. Instead, if he was really unhappy, he just stayed away from the polls on election day.

Given that the two parties were nearly evenly matched in the Midwest and the nation as a whole in the 1880s, turnout for elections was especially important. Nationally, less than two percentage points separated the total Democratic and Republican vote for congressmen in the elections of 1878, 1880, 1884, 1886 and 1888. On the presidential front, in 1880 Garfield was victorious over Hancock by only 7,000 votes. Cleveland, in 1884, edged out Blaine by only 70,000 votes out of 10 million cast. The Midwest was almost as close Blaine was only 90,000 votes ahead of Cleveland out of 3 million votes cast regionally. Indiana went to Cleveland, the only state in the Midwest to do so, possibly because his vice-presidential running mate was Indiana Senator Thomas A. Hendricks.

Clearly, a small shift in votes, a sharp drop in turnout or a bit of fraudulent manipulation of returns could decide the winners in local, state or even national races. Consequently, the parties aligned their strategy with the two main facts of political life, intense partisanship and very tight races. Indiana and New York were considered the ‘swing’ states, and much effort was expended by both parties on getting out the vote in these two states.

The Parties

THE REPUBLICANS
The Republican Party first appeared on the national ballot in 1856. Following the 1854 Kansas-Nebraska Act, the Whig party disintegrated, and meetings in the upper mid-western states led to the formation of this new party opposed to the spread of slavery into the western territories. The Republicans quickly became the dominant force in the North, and with the Confederate defeat, known as the party of the victors. The south became solidly Democratic, and would remain so for decades.

After the war, the Republicans continued the Whig tradition of promoting industrial development through high tariffs. The party promoted government activism, primarily to foster economic development. Freedmen and the white, Protestant population of the Northeast comprised their political base. It was during this post-war period that the party became known as the "Grand Old Party", or GOP.

The party advocated moralistic policies based on evangelical Protestant values. They generally supported restrictions on the sale and use of alcohol and limits on business openings on Sunday. Their support came from the Methodists and Baptists of the Northeast and Midwest and other evangelical sects.

The party was not without dissent. After the disgrace and scandal of Ulysses Grant’s administration, a group of Republican civil service reformers provoked a revolt in the 1872 election. This issue was kept alive by a group of New York Republicans, known as Mugwumps, who continued to advocate for reform of the civil service patronage system. Grant was not without his supporters, who were known as Stalwarts. A third group, the Half-Breeds, favored moderate reform and the continuation of high tariffs.

In truth, the parties differed only slightly on the issues in the years after the war. The Republican party, for the most part, favored industrialists, bankers and railroad interests. In fact, more than one scandal during the era arose from corrupt dealings between politicians and railroad barons. Republicans more strongly favored hard money policies and strict laissez-faire economic policies, until public pressure forced the issue of regulation, especially with regard to railroad rates.

THE DEMOCRATS
The modern form of the Democratic party began in the years after the War of 1812. Although the Democrats cannot be credited with starting conventions, platforms and highly institutionalized campaigning, they succeeded in bringing these features to new levels in the party system. From the mid-1830s to the Civil War, the Democrats were the nation’s majority party, controlling Congress, the presidency and many state offices. In general, the Democrats favored a confined and minimal federal government and states’ rights.

The party suffered its first major disruption in the mid-1850s. A large influx of Irish and German Catholic immigration precipitated a strong reaction among northern Democrats. Worries about the future of the "Protestant" nation led to the formation of the Know-Nothing party, which drew off many Democrats. Also, many Democratic leaders were reluctant to take a stand against slavery, and that was viewed as a pro-southern stand that permitted slaveholders to prevail in new territories and consequently to dominate in national politics. The new Republican party astutely played on the nativism and anti-southern sentiment, resulting in a new political alignment.

The Democrat’s second significant era lasted from the Civil War into the 1890s. Partisan loyalties planted early in the century and nurtured during the Civil War kept the party faithful loyal in election after election. Southern whites who had not been Democrats earlier flocked to the party in the aftermath of Reconstruction, making the Solid (Democratic) South a political reality.